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| BLA and Afghan Taliban: A Comparative Struggle for Sovereignty | | 
By Fatima Baloch
Pakistan occupied Balochistan on March 27, 1948, and since that time the Baloch nation has continued its struggle for independence and national identity. Early resistance movements were largely led by tribal elders, nawabs, sardars, and royal families. However, these traditional leadership structures proved insufficiently revolutionary and failed to achieve independence. Over time, Baloch students emerged as the driving force behind a more organized and ideologically grounded movement.
The Baloch nationalist struggle—initiated by the Baloch Students Organization (BSO), the ideological predecessor of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Baloch Liberation Front (BLF), and other pro-independence groups—shares certain structural similarities with the Afghan Taliban movement. However, the Baloch struggle predates the Taliban by decades. The principal distinction lies in ideology: the Taliban are rooted in religious doctrine with nationalist elements, whereas the Baloch movement is secular, democratic, and purely nationalist. Despite these differences, both movements frame their struggle as a fight for sovereignty and dignity.
Before the Taliban’s emergence in 1996, Afghanistan had already endured decades of instability marked by coups, foreign interventions, and internal conflict. Power frequently shifted between warlords and externally backed regimes, resulting in widespread destruction, political chaos, and suffering for the general population. Afghanistan never experienced a sustained democratic, nationalist, or secular political order, whether under monarchy, communism, or externally imposed systems.
In 1973, King Zahir Shah was overthrown in a coup led by his cousin and former prime minister, Mohammad Daoud Khan. Although Daoud pursued modernization, his policies strained relations with regional powers, particularly the Soviet Union. He was killed during the 1978 Saur Revolution led by the communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Nur Muhammad Taraki assumed power, but internal party conflicts soon escalated. Taraki was replaced and assassinated by Hafizullah Amin, who himself was killed months later. This period was characterized by violent purges, instability, and the absence of constitutional governance.
In December 1979, the Soviet Union militarily intervened in Afghanistan and installed Babrak Karmal as president, triggering a devastating proxy war. The United States, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and other allies supported Mujahideen factions ranging from tribal warlords to Islamist fighters and international jihadists, including Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri. Pakistan, as a frontline ally of the West, received substantial financial and military assistance while spearheading the proxy campaign against the Soviet-backed Afghan government.
The war devastated Afghanistan, displaced millions, and produced a generation of refugees, many of whom were raised in religious madrassas. These institutions later became breeding grounds for extremism. Following the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, President Najibullah’s government collapsed in 1992. Fragmented and foreign-sponsored Mujahideen factions turned on one another, plunging the country into a brutal civil war. Kabul was reduced to ruins, thousands were killed, and famine spread. The civil war demonstrated that the sacrifices of Pakistan-, Saudi-, and U.S.-backed Mujahideen had failed to bring stability. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, backed by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), emerged as a powerful yet divisive figure. Amid the chaos, Pakistan introduced a new proxy force—the Afghan Taliban—in 1994, eventually sidelining Hekmatyar.
Composed largely of madrassa-educated youth, the Taliban captured Kabul in 1996 and established a theocratic regime aligned with Pakistan and hostile to India. After the September 11 attacks, however, the United States and NATO launched a military campaign to dismantle Al-Qaeda and remove the Taliban. Pakistan shifted its allegiance, joining the U.S.-led coalition in exchange for financial and military assistance. Although the Taliban regime collapsed and a democratic government under Hamid Karzai was installed, the Taliban regrouped and waged a prolonged insurgency. The 2020 Doha Agreement paved the way for the U.S. withdrawal, and on August 15, 2021, the Taliban returned to power—this time projecting a more nationalist posture and greater independence from Pakistan.
Afghanistan, despite decades of monarchy, communism, socialism, and externally imposed democracies, has not experienced peace for more than 45 years. Yet, unlike previous regimes, the Taliban-led government has brought relative stability. Many Afghans perceive its governance model as aligned with cultural and religious values. The Taliban have curbed corruption, restored law and order, and reasserted sovereignty, earning legitimacy and popular support, particularly in rural areas. The movement now presents itself as nationalist and has distanced itself from Pakistan due to Islamabad’s past cooperation with Western powers. It has also engaged diplomatically with India and several Arab states.
Balochistan has similarly faced foreign exploitation and internal betrayal. Its tribal structure has long been manipulated by Pakistan and Iran, with some tribal leaders acting as proxies. On March 27, 1948, key Baloch chiefs supported Balochistan’s annexation into Pakistan. Since then, many tribal elites have benefited from military patronage while suppressing popular aspirations.
Founded on November 26, 1967, in Karachi, the Baloch Students Organization initially focused on student rights and the promotion of Balochi language and culture—both marginalized by Pakistani and Iranian authorities. Baloch languages remain excluded from formal education, and cultural heritage continues to be neglected. Over time, the BSO evolved into a political force challenging both occupation and feudal dominance, laying the groundwork for armed resistance groups such as the BLA and BLF.
Today, thousands of educated and secular Baloch youth have joined these groups, opposing both military occupation and complicit tribal elites. Unlike the Taliban, who have historically excluded women, the Baloch movement has witnessed active female participation, particularly within the elite Majeed Brigade.
Leadership in Pakistan-occupied Balochistan and among Baloch migrants has maintained relations with successive Afghan governments, including the current Taliban administration. Notably, nationalist figures within the Taliban’s leadership are reported to maintain cordial relations with Baloch freedom fighters. The Baloch form an integral part of Afghanistan’s ethnic mosaic, with Nimroz being a Baloch-majority province that remained largely peaceful during the Soviet invasion, civil war, and U.S./NATO occupation. Afghan Baloch leaders consistently negotiated with Herat’s influential commander Ismail Khan to prevent internal conflict, helping avert civil war during the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021. Today, Afghan Baloch reportedly hold key positions within the Taliban’s political and military structures, with some expressing sympathy for Baloch nationalist aspirations.
The leadership of the Baloch movement has transitioned from traditional figures such as Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri and Nawab Akbar Bugti to a new generation of grassroots leaders. Their stated objective remains the establishment of a sovereign, democratic Balochistan. The movement has become increasingly organized, developing technical units, an intelligence wing known as ZIRAB, and the suicide unit Majeed Brigade. Public support continues to grow amid allegations of state repression and systemic injustice.
Several international think tanks suggest that Pakistan’s military—backed by China and Turkey—is facing increasing difficulty in suppressing the Baloch insurgency, with claims that Islamabad has lost significant control over the region. Pakistan’s tensions with Afghanistan, its internal conflict with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the BLA, Chinese involvement through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and disputes over Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) have further destabilized the region.
Conclusion
Conclusion:
In the context of Pakistan’s aggression toward Afghanistan, its internal conflict with the TTP and BLA, China’s anti-Baloch policies, and the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) passing through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) in violation of Indian sovereignty—including claims over the Shaksgam Valley—India must act decisively to safeguard its national security interests. The potential disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of an independent Balochistan would significantly dilute China’s strategic influence in the region. India should therefore prepare contingency plans to reclaim PoK, engage with secular Baloch nationalist forces—particularly BLA leadership—and coordinate closely with Afghanistan to ensure long-term regional stability. As demonstrated in 1971, India faces both a moral obligation and a strategic imperative to support legitimate movements for self-determination.
A collapsing Pakistan dominated by extremism would further destabilize South Asia, whereas an independent and secular Balochistan could emerge as a stabilizing regional ally. Supporting Baloch aspirations, reclaiming PoK, and strengthening regional cooperation would enhance security for both India and Afghanistan. Pakistan’s longstanding policy of interference has directly contributed to the crises it confronts today.
About the Author
Fatima Baloch is a senior geopolitical and regional expert who writes extensively on Afghanistan, Balochistan, and India, with a focus on strategic dynamics and regional security.
(Disclaimer: The views, observations and opinions expressed in above write up of Scoop News are strictly author's own. Scoop News does not take any onus or liability for the veracity, accuracy, validity, completeness, suitability of any of information in the above given write up. The information, facts or figures appearing in the write up in no way manifest the position, standpoint or stance of Scoop News and the Scoop News does not assume any encumbrance or answerability of the same. All disputes are subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of competent Courts and Forums in Jammu City Only)
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