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| What Should Be Done with Such World Records? | | 
By Adv. Sanjay Pandey
The Deepotsav celebrations in Uttar Pradesh began in 2017, when only 171,000 lamps were lit. Since then, the event has grown more grandiose each year, reaching 2.617 million lamps in 2025. In Ayodhya this year, during Deepotsav 2025, around 2,617,215 lamps were lit simultaneously on the ghats and banks of the Saryu River, establishing a world record. This event is in the process of being certified by Guinness World Records. On this occasion, 2,128 devotees performed a simultaneous ritual of aarti and lamp-lighting, which was recorded as a separate achievement. The program involved nearly 33,000 volunteers and thousands of devotees.
According to the BJP government, the objective of Deepotsav is to present Ayodhya as a global religious tourism destination. Through drone shows, laser lighting, cultural presentations, and technological displays, Ayodhya is being branded as a symbol of "New Ayodhya," "religious tourism," and "cultural development," with claims that this will benefit the local economy and service sector. This includes assertions that it will boost the tourism industry, hotel accommodations, local service industries, multiply real estate prices in Ayodhya several times over, and provide employment and income sources to potter families and handicraft artisans.
However, there is another side to this coin as well. To prevent criticism from gaining traction, detailed year-wise budget allocations or expenditure-related information on Ayodhya's Deepotsav events from the past several years have not been made fully public or transparent. So, is the UP-government’s achievement in this area truly worthy of praise? Can promoting such events, funded by taxpayers' money and government expenditures, resolve Uttar Pradesh's problems? Such questions are being raised. What will UP do with these bizarre records? How much is being spent on these events, and is the benefit to Ayodhya city also extending to UP as a whole? Many such questions remain unanswered.
On one hand, incurring extravagant expenditures on such events to create some kind of record while hiding from the true reality is a contradiction in itself. Uttar Pradesh is a state in India that, despite its vast potential, remains backward due to poverty, low literacy, poor health, and weak infrastructure. It lags not only behind other Indian states but also behind many developing countries globally. In such a scenario, allocating a significant portion of the budget and resources to these events may divert attention from basic sectors like education, health, and local development. It is essential to ensure that the tendency to "create records" does not push developmental priorities to the back burner.
Uttar Pradesh (UP), India's most populous state, has a vast population (approximately 240 million), making it comparable globally to Pakistan or Brazil. However, in social, economic, and environmental indicators, it ranks among the most backward regions in India and the world. According to NITI Aayog, the Raghuram Rajan Committee (2013), and United Nations data, UP is part of the BIMARU (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh) group, which drags down India's overall development. In some indicators, UP's situation is worse than that of sub-Saharan African countries (such as Mali). The latest data up to 2025 (NITI Aayog MPI 2023, RBI 2024) shows some improvements, but UP still occupies the lowest rungs in many areas. It is high time for the government to analyze the major sectors in which Uttar Pradesh lags and investigate their causes, which it has long forgotten.
Examining poverty and the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), around 22-25% of UP's population (approximately 50 million people) lives in multidimensional poverty, encompassing basic areas such as nutrition, education, health, and sanitation. According to NITI Aayog's 2023 data, UP ranks third in India after Bihar (33%) and Jharkhand (28%). In the global MPI, UP falls in the bottom 20% of states, placing it close to countries like Mali ($2,246 PPP). The situation in rural areas is even worse, with limited access to clean drinking water and electricity.
In 2024, UP's per capita income is ₹93,422 (NSDP), which is 45% lower than the national average (₹1.7 lakh). It is among India's bottom five states (Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand, Manipur). In purchasing power parity (PPP), it stands at $2,252, equivalent to low-income countries globally. Income has doubled since 2012, but the growth rate is slower compared to other states, causing UP to lag economically.
UP's literacy rate is 67.7% (2011 update 2024), with males at 77.3% and females at 57.2%. In rural areas, it is below 60%. It is among India's bottom 10 states, where the national average is 74%. Particularly in female literacy, UP ranks 28th, the lowest among BIMARU states. The quality of education is also low, and school dropout rates (especially among girls) exceed the national average.
In Uttar Pradesh, the infant mortality rate (IMR) is 64 per 1,000 births, and the maternal mortality rate (MMR) is 167 per lakh births. This is the worst IMR in India and the third-worst MMR (after Bihar and Assam). These figures are worse than those in many African countries (such as Mali and Chad). According to NFHS-5 (2019-21), vaccination and nutrition deficiencies are severe problems in rural areas. Additionally, during COVID-19, UP recorded 41,746 deaths from road accidents, highlighting weaknesses in health and safety systems.
UP's unemployment rate is 7-8% (NSSO 2023), higher than the national average (6%). Over 5 million workers migrate to other states (Maharashtra, Gujarat, Delhi) for employment. BIMARU states represent 45% of India's population but contribute only 8-9% to GDP. UP's economy is 70% dependent on agriculture, but low productivity and issues like floods and droughts further weaken it.
Infrastructure in UP, especially in rural areas, is extremely weak. Globally, 60% of open defecation cases occur in India, with UP accounting for a large share. Despite the Swachh Bharat Mission, progress in rural sanitation is slow. Road density is below the national average, and out of 101 aspirational districts, 6 (Shravasti, Balrampur, Siddharthnagar, Chandauli, Fatehpur, Bahraich) are in UP. Eastern UP is particularly backward. Pollution in the Ganga River in UP is among the highest globally, and the Ganga cleaning project has failed. Agriculture, the base for 70% of the population, struggles with low productivity and climate change impacts. Crop yield per hectare is below the national average, and annual losses from floods and droughts occur. This makes UP environmentally and economically vulnerable.
UP has the highest crime rate in India, particularly custodial deaths (365 in 2014). Caste and communal violence is also common. NCRB and NHRC data show uneven governance and development across UP's 75 districts. Political instability and corruption have hindered long-term development.
A deep-seated hatred toward communists is observed among all BJP and RSS leaders. Kerala, governed by the Communist Party, cannot be compared to Uttar Pradesh in any respect. The Kerala government prioritizes public safety and amenities, which is a primary reason for Kerala's progress. According to the 2022 UNDP sub-national data, Kerala's HDI is 0.758 (second among India's states and union territories), placing it in the "high human development" category. In contrast, Uttar Pradesh's HDI is 0.609 (34th out of 36), falling into the "medium human development" category. The 0.149 difference in HDI between the two states indicates a significant gap.
Kerala does not have any world record like UP's Deepotsav. Yet, like many South Indian states, Kerala is clearly outperforming Uttar Pradesh, as its HDI score and all sub-components are substantially higher. Kerala's performance positions it on par with middle-income countries globally (such as Mexico or China), while Uttar Pradesh's is closer to the low-medium development level in South Asia.
The gap between Kerala and Uttar Pradesh stems from long-term differences in policy priorities, resource allocation, and socio-economic structures. Kerala's life expectancy is 73.43 years, about 8 years higher than UP's. This is due to strong public health investments in Kerala since the 1970s, such as an extensive network of primary health centers, high vaccination rates, and maternal-child health programs. Uttar Pradesh, with its massive population (over 240 million) and agriculture-dependent economy, faces challenges like malnutrition, poor rural sanitation, and unequal health services, resulting in higher infant mortality and lower life expectancy.
Kerala's literacy rate exceeds 96%, and its public education system is effective. Free midday meal schemes and gender-inclusive policies have boosted enrollment, especially for girls, leading to higher average and expected years of schooling. In Uttar Pradesh, rural areas suffer from low enrollment (particularly for girls), teacher shortages, and infrastructure deficiencies, making educational attainment about two-thirds of Kerala's.
Both states have lower per capita incomes than industrial states like Maharashtra, but Kerala benefits from remittances from its global migrant workforce (especially in Gulf countries) and tourism. Additionally, wealth distribution in Kerala is more equitable. On the other hand, Uttar Pradesh's economy relies mainly on agriculture and unorganized labor, where poverty rates (about 30% vs. Kerala's 0.5%) and inequality are higher.
Kerala's "Kerala Model" is an exemplary strategy of development focused on social welfare, investing in human capital, reducing inequality, and building resilience without rapid industrialization. Uttar Pradesh has made progress in recent years, such as through health insurance schemes like Ayushman Bharat, but implementing these on a large scale is challenging due to its vast population and resource constraints. India's national HDI reached 0.685 in 2023, but inter-state disparities like those between Kerala and Uttar Pradesh highlight the need for targeted reforms in backward states.
Data shows that despite having "triple-engine" governments, both UP and Bihar are the two largest states in India from which people migrate for employment. There is a lack of permanent and quality employment opportunities in rural areas/less-developed districts, driving people to other states or metros. Many working people in UP are semi-skilled or unskilled laborers. Due to family burdens, limited local opportunities, and fears of not finding adequate employment, millions have been migrating to other states or labor-based jobs in Gulf countries over the past two decades. If sufficient opportunities existed, such large numbers would not leave. Among them are educated, talented youth seeking better skills or job prospects, who see no future for themselves in UP. The migration trend signals social maldistribution, opportunity inequality, and uneven development distribution—a warning for reform policies.
In such a situation, the state needs to promote "better employment, skill upgradation, industry, and public and private sector investment" so that people can stay in their places and migration decreases. However, the government's priorities remain focused on transforming UP into a spiritual tourism hub, which is why programs like Mahakumbh and Deepotsav are attempts to shape UP's identity. Can this lead to a bright future for UP? Think about it yourself. For now, console yourself by rejoicing over world records like Deepotsav and aspiring to become the "Vishwaguru."
(The writer is an Advocate at Bombay High Court. He can be reached at [email protected] )
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